SAN FRANCISCO PUBLIC HOUSING FACES
FURTHER CUTS
By Sara Shortt
Published September 20006 Street Sheet Newspaper
In June, HUD announced to Housing Authorities that due an unanticipated
rise in utility costs, they are unable to fund them at the amount
previously committed. Cities across the nation who rely on
federal money to house their poorest residents were already bracing for
a shortfall of 8% before the announcement. Now, they were told there
would be a further cut of 7% more, for a total of a 14% ($600,000
million dollar) shortfall for 2006. HUD’s June announcement that
they would be funding public housing operating budgets at only 85.5% of
the need was painful for many reasons. To many, it seemed cavalier
considering what the impact would be. It was as if HUD simply
said “Oops”, “We never anticipated that utility rates would rise like
that. We never bothered to plan for such a scenario and now that it’s
happened we’re not going to try to fix it by asking Congress for more
money. Instead you’ll just have to make your budgets leaner and meaner.
Tighten up your belts”.
Yet, “tightening belts” when it comes to public housing translates into
serious impacts for residents that can literally have life or death
consequences. One of the simplest and quickest ways for Housing
Authorities to cut costs when they are under the gun is to cut
staff. This is why after years of continuous funding cuts, the
San Francisco Housing Authority (SFHA) has gone from a staff of 535 to
less than 400 in the last 5 years. This year alone 24 employees
have been laid off to compensate for loss of federal funds.
Aside from the loss of good union jobs and the toll this takes on
employees and their families (many of whom are current or former public
housing residents themselves), these cost-cutting measures the SFHA is
forced to take when the budget axe comes down, is disastrous for
tenants. Less staff means longer turn around time on repairs.
Residents with “non-emergency” repair needs such as broken windows,
clogged sinks or non-working light fixtures may have to wait as long as
six weeks or more before their unit is repaired. “Emergency”
repairs, which in the private market would be enforceable code
violations, will also take longer to address. The current SFHA
policy for emergency repairs is a 24-hour turn around time, but most
tenants would balk at this figure. Residents say that they wait
and wait for serious problems such as broken locks, asthma causing mold
and backed up toilets to be fixed, as it is. The nature of an
emergency does not change depending on available funding. A hazardous
situation will still need to be addressed within 24 hours yet, with not
enough staff to do the jobs, how will the housing authority do it?
Either emergencies will remain unabated for longer periods, with major
health and safety repercussions, or other less urgent repair needs will
become further backlogged.
An already problematic area that will certainly worsen is vacancies.
Uninhabitable units will remain boarded up and vacant for longer and
longer. This affects not only those families who have been
languishing on the waiting list (of which there are 30,000) hoping for
an affordable home to become available, but it decreases quality of
life for existing residents as well. Empty units become a blight on the
community and quickly provide refuge for criminal activity. Not having
a neighbor beside you also puts you at more risk for crime since there
is no one to look out for you. And the isolation created by empty units
makes residents an easier target for crime.
Less staff means less management oversight and less
ability to perform more than the most basic management tasks.
What falls through the cracks when staffing is limited are the other
important roles played by management. When the focus becomes simply
collecting rent and moving residents in and out because a manager is
juggling multiple properties, tenants suffer. Good managers know
their residents. They know who belongs at a property and who
doesn’t. They have the time to pay attention and to take action
when problems arise. They notice if an elderly resident’s health
is failing or if a basketball hoop where teenagers play needs
replacement. In San Francisco, where violent crime is a fact of
life at the larger, family developments, these things matter. But
no manager will be capable of guaranteeing a secure property when they
have too many properties to care for at once and they are beholden to
the bottom line.
When budgets are cut anything that remotely
resembles “frills” go away. In the case of senior/disabled
buildings one such program is a resident custodian program where
residents are paid to keep an eye on each other and to ensure the
property is cleaned and cared for on a daily basis. Frail,
elderly residents put cards on the door saying they are ok and if a
card is not visible the custodian knows to check up on them. The
SFHA terminated the resident custodian program in response to last
year’s budget cuts, and it is only to due to a labor union challenge by
SEIU, Local 1877 that the program still exists.
Security services are also considered an “extra” by
the federal government. Funds are given to perform major capital
improvements (the capital fund), for day to day operations (operating
funds) and a very limited grant is available for revitalizing
distressed properties (HOPE VI). But there is no longer a funding
stream to pay for security related items. The Federal Drug Elimination
Grant, which provided the SFHA with $1.4 million, was terminated in
2002. Now, when cuts to operating budgets are made, security
services will also suffer since it is one of the only funding sources
to pay for it. There seems to be general consensus that one major
way to reduce the plague of violent crime in San Francisco’s public
housing developments is to hire police officers during the evening
hours, instead of having them go home between 9 and 5. With
resources squeezed so tightly and a mandate to keep rents low and meet
basic housing standards, how can the housing authority pay for such
other crucial costs such as security? Yet, how can they afford
not to when murders keep happening day after day?
The sudden, mid-year 06 cuts are also extremely hard
to stomach because of the context in which they are happening.
From the looks of it, Congress will only fund next year’s budget at
around 78% of the need, a 22% cut. The President’s proposal
shorted public housing operating budgets by $1 billion. While the
Senate bill raises that amount by $100 million, it still falls far
short. And this is nothing new. Operating budgets have been cut
by $1.5 billion since 01. Other funding sources have been under
assault as well. Although there is a backlog of major repair needs
(such as overhauling leaking sewer systems at family developments and
replacing old, unreliable elevators at high-rise senior buildings) of
$245 million dollars that accrues by $7 million more annually, HUD’s
capital fund budget has been cut by 8% ($13 million) this year for the
sixth straight year in a row. The Drug Elimination grant is gone.
And HOPE VI is hanging by a thread as it was reduced from $500 million
to $145 million last year nationally and has been proposed to be zeroed
out this year. There has been no funding for new development of public
housing since 1979.
All of this paints a clear picture of the
administration’s priorities when it comes to housing. Nothing
spells out the agenda more clearly than the axe falling time and time
again on programs that provide housing for extremely low-income
families. As a community we need to face this fact and recognize
that funding of the war in Iraq is far more important, to not only the
President, but Congress as well than funding programs for our neediest
Americans. Given this sad but true fact, it is tempting to
conclude that we should stop relying on or expecting anything from the
Federal government altogether. While it is absolutely true that
we need to start planning and preparing for local solutions as federal
funds continually decrease, we should not let the Federal government
off the hook. Low-income housing advocates and local government
need to maintain a double- pronged strategy to adequately respond to
public housing cuts. We need to fight like hell to preserve and
increase federal funds for low-income housing. It would be
irresponsible to do anything less. At the same time,
however, we must be vigilant about ensuring that local housing money is
earmarked for extremely low-income residents, resourceful about
leveraging more local funds for low-income housing development and
creative about new ways to house poor San Franciscans, such as
community land trusts and developing surplus city property. San
Francisco should adopt the motto “fight for the best, prepare for the
worst” when it comes to low-income housing.
City leaders are starting to take this motto to
heart as the assault on Federally-subsidized, low-income housing gets
more and more vicious. This year, community groups and the Board
of Supervisors worked hard with the Mayor’s Office of Housing to pass
an inclusionary zoning ordinance that would bring more low-income
housing to San Francisco. In response to community organizing,
Supervisor Chris Daly helped garner millions of dollars from the City’s
surplus funds for affordable housing. The Human Service Agency is
in the processing of developing a rent subsidy program for low-income
families.
At the same time, the Board of Supervisors held a
hearing the month on the impact of the most recent public housing cuts;
and Supervisors Ammiano, Daly, Mirkarimi and Maxwell all spoke in
opposition to the attacks on public housing at a press conference held
beforehand. Board members will also be voting on a resolution urging
Congress to act to restore funding to public housing. The Mayor
has written a letter to Senator Feinstein asking for her support on the
issue and has committed to working with his colleagues in the US
Conference of Mayors to continue to advocate on behalf of San
Francisco’s public housing residents.
It is the task of community advocates and residents
to ensure that neither the development of local solutions, nor advocacy
on the Federal level is left out of the equation as we continue to work
to preserve and expand housing options for our poorest residents.
While it is true that we can no longer rely on the federal government
to provide housing of last resort for our lowest-income residents, it
is also true that we cannot afford to concede to the ideologically
driven agenda of Washington policymakers. When we give up demanding
that the Federal government meet the needs of citizens of all incomes,
we give up the very idea of a democratic society. And more than
that, we allow our neighbors to suffer needlessly as they are befallen
by poverty and homelessness at a time when this country’s resources are
truly plentiful.